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Anyone visiting the Mishmi Hills and interested in wildlife and conservation would have come across the mythological story of the Mishmi and tigers as brothers. Such narratives of tigers as siblings are popular in other parts of Arunachal Pradesh as well (Aisher, 2005; Aiyadurai, 2016). For the Idu Mishmi, the tiger (aamra) is their elder brother. Tiger is the most revered animal, and killing it is prohibited. In fact, it is even viewed as a 'homicide'. The kinship relation of the Idu Mishmi with the tigers and the claims that residents of Dibang valley make about tiger conservation is an important aspect to consider if one is interested in wildlife conservation in Northeast India. How the common people perceive wildlife conservation is rarely addressed in discussions on nature conservation and my monograph 'Tigers are our brothers: Anthropology of wildlife conservation in northeast India' (OUP, 2021) addresses some of the complex issues of wildlife conservation in Dibang valley. Through Idu Mishmi narratives, the book highlights how Mishmi relate to tigers, vis-a-vis the role of the state and of science in tiger conservation and how the Mishmi's conception of 'nature' stands in contrast with the way the state and science perceive tigers and their conservation. Mishmi's indigenous ideas about tigers and their cultural and ecological knowledge are often used as a form of resistance during meetings with conservationists and researchers to question the motive and activities of tiger research and also the forest department. When conservationists and the local villagers meet, how do these actors negotiate their positions in making claims over nature? Some of these questions are central to this book. In this article, I will discuss people-animal relations in Dibang Valley and what we can learn from the indigenous beliefs about wildlife conservation. The rescue of tiger cubs in the winter of 2012 in a remote village shaped Dibang valley district as a new conservation site. After the rescue, the district witnessed a series of conservation interventions and implementation of research projects by state and NGOs and this remote corner of India were visited by wildlife researchers and conservation groups. They mapped the tiger habitat, assessed the tiger & its prey population and this information led to the proposal of a tiger reserve (FN: 11th meeting of the Technical Committee of NTCA held 01.09.2021, in-principle approved the proposal for India's first High Altitude Tiger Reserve: Dibang Tiger Reserve). While the researchers and NGOs were busy studying wildlife, the Idu Mishmis were anxious with the several actors visiting the district to study tigers and their habitat. They were particularly curious about the 'new' found interests in tigers. Idu Mishmis always knew about these tigers, but researchers took some time to get convinced about the presence of tigers in this landscape, citing low prey density as a reason. The tiger cub rescue provided the necessary 'data' of tiger presence. 'Why have a tiger reserve here? We don't hunt tigers, they are our brothers! Tigers and humans were born to the same mother. We kill tigers only as a last option, when they become a threat or when they are killed in traps accidentally. We are protecting them anyway' said a resident of Dibang Valley. During my interviews with the residents, they often stated that they do not harm tigers and in fact their kinship relations with tigers are helping the tiger population. They, sometimes, questioned why there is a need for a tiger reserve here. The fear of getting intertwined with the state's 'ever-reaching hands' and losing their lands for tiger conservation was the chief reason behind their anxieties. While some welcome the idea of a tiger reserve with the hope of employment, others worry that the ownership of their lands, forests and mountains will be compromised. This is one of many issues that brought researchers, scientists and the state in direct confrontation with the people of Dibang Valley. A common grievance of the residents was the non-consultative approach of the state and the non-participatory nature of wildlife researchers. The local Mishmis felt a sense of mistrust towards the forest department and the research team members. This has resulted in mild intimidation and resistance, as well as hesitation or even refusal in participating in research activities. Moreover, there was a difference in the perception and understanding of nature as well as its protection and conservation that the book examines. The book primarily argues that 'nature' needs to be decoded, not only at a conceptual level (the idea of 'nature') but also at the operational level (how to engage with 'the nature'). The book discusses the Idu Mishmi's relationship with nature and more importantly, their ethics of nature in which humans and non human lives are interlinked and seen as continuous, not discrete categories. In addition to the cultural, commercial value of animals, the book discusses the symbolic interaction of the Mishmi with non-humans (the mountain spirits and animals), and their reciprocal engagement during subsistence activities, highlighting the tensions between subsistence-related hunting and wildlife protection that see hunting as illegal. |
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